ClippingKK

In 1978 the regime organized a national celebration marking the fourth anniversary of the overthrow of Haile Selassie. By this time Mengistu was the unchallenged leader of the Derg. As his residence, the place from where he would rule Ethiopia, he had chosen Selassie’s Grand Palace, left unoccupied since the monarchy was abolished. At the celebration, he sat on a gilded armchair, just like the emperors of old, watching the parade. Official functions were now held once again at the Grand Palace, with Mengistu sitting on Haile Selassie’s old throne. Mengistu started to compare himself to Emperor Tewodros, who had refounded the Solomonic Dynasty in the mid-nineteenth century after a period of decline.

foreign aid is not a very effective means of dealing with the failure of nations around the world today. Far from it. Countries need inclusive economic and political institutions to break out of the cycle of poverty. Foreign aid can typically do little in this respect, and certainly not with the way that it is currently organized.

我们不妨换个角度来看，安史之乱后的河北获得了事实上的半独立地位，河北军民不再需要供养西北的20多万大军，亲身感受就完全不同了：河北军人的收入奖励拿得比以前多，民众的税收徭役负担比以前少，民众通过当兵阶级跃升的渠道变多了。从河北脱离唐帝国藩镇化后的这些现实，就可以反向理解为什么河北军民对安史叛军多有同情和支持。安禄山等人的叛乱，恰好满足了河北基层大部分军民的普遍利益，从而形成了难以想象的巨大声势

常清通过这一系列杀戮，在军中建立起了威信。当然，这个让人毛骨悚然的故事传播到后来完全走了样，高仙芝成了大义灭亲，封常清则变成了秉公执法。到后来，高仙芝在怛罗斯战败，封常清几经周折成为新的安西节度使，并在任上证明了自己军事方面的能

如何应对巨额军费，解决财政收入问题，成为玄宗朝人事变化与政治斗争的一条重要主线。正是在这样的背景下，玄宗皇帝不得不猛烈地扩大纳税人口，巨幅增

唐玄宗面前说的大话，都不过是一种稳定人心、控制局面的宣传战。我们如今看这种“速胜论”会觉得荒诞不经，但在人心惶惶的当时，这些论调哪怕给朝臣留下了滑稽乃至荒诞的印象，也总比任由恐惧蔓延开来要好

万宫嫔

随着唐玄宗经营重心的转移，关东民众的税负和徭役大幅增加。其中矛盾激化最快、最危险的自然是河北地区。其他关东地区没有精锐边军，即便对朝廷不满也没有实质威胁，但河北同样在边疆，有着重要的一线军镇，拥有12.9万编制的精锐边军，还有很多没计入编制、因为突厥崩溃而涌入的强悍草原部