ClippingKK

their density in New South Wales was insufficient for the creation of an economy based on their exploitation. There was no Latin American option in Australia. The guards thus embarked on a path that would ultimately lead to institutions that were even more inclusive than those back in Britain. Convicts were given a set of tasks to do, and if they had extra time, they could work for themselves and sell what they produced.

THE EVENTS SURROUNDING the Black Act would show that the Glorious Revolution had created the rule of law, and that this notion was stronger in England and Britain, and the elites were far more constrained by it than they themselves imagined. Notably, the rule of law is not the same as rule by law. Even if the Whigs could pass a harsh, repressive law to quash obstacles from common people, they had to contend with additional constraints because of the rule of law. Their law violated the rights that the Glorious Revolution and the changes in political institutions that followed from it had already established for everybody by tearing down the “divine” rights of kings and the privileges of elites.

东汉中期以后的政府一直是高负债运行的。朝廷对社会的控制逐渐放松，但是放松的结果是什么呢？是出现了所谓的公民社会吗？是出现了所谓的民营企业家的盛世吗？都不是。按照贤良文学的思路，所谓放纵其实是放纵权贵，放纵那些“官倒”官商，让各级政府、各级地方权力部门都去谋利。这样的结果不是放任出了自由的平民经济，而是放任出了一个豪强大姓满天下、门阀士族势焰熏天的局面，而市场经济却日益凋敝

The essence of the iron law of oligarchy, this particular facet of the vicious circle, is that new leaders overthrowing old ones with promises of radical change bring nothing but more of the same.

While there is no political body in Mexico restricting Carlos Slim’s monopoly, the Sherman and Clayton Acts have been used repeatedly in the United States over the past century to restrict trusts, monopolies, and cartels, and to ensure that markets remain inclusive.

Nevertheless, once in place, inclusive economic and political institutions tend to create a virtuous circle, a process of positive feedback, making it more likely that these institutions will persist and even expand.

It was not only the economic incentives that were destroyed. The political changes that had started to take place also went into reverse. The power of chiefs and traditional rulers, which had previously been in decline, was strengthened, because part of the project of creating a cheap labor force was to remove private property in land.

9年农村生活使我有了种田人的感情，但这并未让我感到毛泽东所谓的城里人接受农民“再教育”“很有必要”，更没让我相信（同样是毛讲的）“严重的问题是教育农民”。它只是让我感到城里人与农民同样不自由，同样是“共同体的附属物”。如果说两者有什么不同，那只是城里人比乡下人更多地受到共同体的保护（“三年困难时期”饿死的只是乡下人，而我们这些城里人当时的“上山下乡”虽被视为一种不幸，但仍因享受所谓“知青待遇”而受到老乡们的羡慕），同时也更多地受到共同体的束缚（从政治控制到“单位”的约束，包括我们这种身不由己的“插队”）。因此到了摆脱共同体的改革时代，乡下人也就更易于挣脱束缚，更少付出失去“保护”的代价。但归根结底，改革对我们的城乡社会都是一种重构，城乡的人们都要在改革中完成从peasants到citizen，即从依附性的共同体成员到有个性的自由人的过程