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Read · Reflect · Enlighten: Uncover Kindness. Pursue Truth. Illuminate One Another.

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Read · Reflect · Enlighten: Uncover Kindness. Pursue Truth. Illuminate One Another.

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悲惨世界(上中下)

悲惨世界(上中下)

[法] 维克多·雨果

安娜·卡列尼娜

安娜·卡列尼娜

[俄] 列夫·托尔斯泰

水浒全传校注(全十册)

水浒全传校注(全十册)

施耐庵集撰 罗贯中纂修 王利器校注

故事

故事

[美]罗伯特·麦基

被讨厌的勇气

被讨厌的勇气

岸见一郎 古贺史健

耿济之译卡拉马佐夫兄弟

耿济之译卡拉马佐夫兄弟

[俄] 费奥多尔·陀思妥耶夫斯基

刘擎西方现代思想讲义

刘擎西方现代思想讲义

刘擎

用得上的哲学

用得上的哲学

徐英瑾

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THE EVENTS SURROUNDING the Black Act would show that the Glorious Revolution had created the rule of law, and that this notion was stronger in England and Britain, and the elites were far more constrained by it than they themselves imagined. Notably, the rule of law is not the same as rule by law. Even if the Whigs could pass a harsh, repressive law to quash obstacles from common people, they had to contend with additional constraints because of the rule of law. Their law violated the rights that the Glorious Revolution and the changes in political institutions that followed from it had already established for everybody by tearing down the “divine” rights of kings and the privileges of elites.

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Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business

所谓的酷吏、所谓的法吏,不是以伦理为中心的,不是道德挂帅的,但必须强调,他们的治理不是以法律为准绳,也不是提倡在法律面前人人平等的。所谓酷吏,实际上是一种权力中心主义的法家政治观,强调的是对权力的垄断。这种对权力的垄断与强调道德其实都属于人治,但是酷吏对法治的破坏作用——确切地说是对建设法治的阻碍作用,应该说要比伦理型的儒家人治更甚一筹

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秦汉史讲义

As we have seen, the political developments leading up to the Glorious Revolution were shaped by several interlinked processes. Central was the political conflict between absolutism and its opponents. The outcome of this conflict not only put a stop to the attempts to create a renewed and stronger absolutism in England, but also empowered those wishing to fundamentally change the institutions of society. The opponents of absolutism did not simply attempt to build a different type of absolutism. This was not simply the House of Lancaster defeating the House of York in the War of the Roses. Instead, the Glorious Revolution involved the emergence of a new regime based on constitutional rule and pluralism.

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In 1978 the regime organized a national celebration marking the fourth anniversary of the overthrow of Haile Selassie. By this time Mengistu was the unchallenged leader of the Derg. As his residence, the place from where he would rule Ethiopia, he had chosen Selassie’s Grand Palace, left unoccupied since the monarchy was abolished. At the celebration, he sat on a gilded armchair, just like the emperors of old, watching the parade. Official functions were now held once again at the Grand Palace, with Mengistu sitting on Haile Selassie’s old throne. Mengistu started to compare himself to Emperor Tewodros, who had refounded the Solomonic Dynasty in the mid-nineteenth century after a period of decline.

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the ability of those who dominate extractive institutions to benefit greatly at the expense of the rest of society implies that political power under extractive institutions is highly coveted, making many groups and individuals fight to obtain it. As a consequence, there will be powerful forces pushing societies under extractive institutions toward political instability. The synergies between extractive economic and political institutions create a vicious circle, where extractive institutions, once in place, tend to persist. Similarly, there is a virtuous circle associated with inclusive economic and political institutions. But neither the vicious nor the virtuous circle is absolute. In fact, some nations live under inclusive institutions today because, though extractive institutions have been the norm in history, some societies have been able to break the mold and transition toward inclusive institutions.

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Even trade within the Americas was heavily regulated. For example, a merchant in a colony such as New Spain, roughly modern Mexico, could not trade directly with anyone in New Granada, modern Colombia. These restrictions on trade within the Spanish Empire reduced its economic prosperity and also, indirectly, the potential benefits that Spain could have gained by trading with another, more prosperous empire. Nevertheless, they were attractive because they guaranteed that the silver and gold would keep flowing to Spain.

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. The people in Southeast Asia stopped trading, turned inward, and became more absolutist. In the next two centuries, they would be in no position to take advantage of the innovations that would spring up in the Industrial Revolution. And ultimately their retreat from trade would not save them from Europeans; by the end of the eighteenth century, nearly all were part of European colonial empires.

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growth under authoritarian, extractive political institutions in China, though likely to continue for a while yet, will not translate into sustained growth, supported by truly inclusive economic institutions and creative destruction.

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Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business

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Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business
Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business
Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business
Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business
Why Nations Fail The Origins of Power, Prosperity & Poverty -- Acemoglu, Daron; Robinson, James -- 2012 -- Crown Business